Co-existence of cooperation and competition is the defining feature of today's world

In the wake of the Cold War, the United States emerged as the sole superpower in the world. In the period from 1988 to 2008, the global order was known as the "US-led liberal hegemony". This period witnessed the rapid development of globalization, and the rise of emerging powers as well as other international forces. The 2008 global financial crisis was a milestone event marking the decline of the US hegemony. After Donald Trump became president and adopted the "America first" policy, his administration willfully withdrew the US from international organizations and treaties, severely undermining the soft power of the US. The damaging of its global reputation was a sign of the US' decline and the reshuffling of the global order.

Some observers believe that we are returning to a bipolar world like the era of the Cold War, but in fact, a China-US bipolar world is unlikely to appear. The forming of a bipolar world requires the capacities of the two superpowers and their willingness to confront each other. For China, confrontational China-US ties run against its foreign policy of not seeking hegemony as well as its vision of building a human community with a shared future. China is resolutely opposed to a new Cold War. For the entire world, another Cold War will definitely be a disaster and thus not what international society desires. Despite the fierce competition and ideological differences between China and the US, we should not draw a conclusion that a new Cold War is looming large.

In fact, a multipolar world is taking shape, and the world is bidding farewell to hegemony.

First, there will emerge multiple power centers, with the US, the European Union and China as the three major pillars. The US will remain the most powerful country in terms of comprehensive national strength, and the EU is also an important pillar of the international order. China, which is already the second largest economy of the world, is playing an increasingly significant role in global affairs. In addition, global organizations and international civil societies are also playing their leading roles in different fields in global affairs.

Second, the governance of global affairs in the post-hegemony era is becoming multidimensional. Regional institutions are growing stronger and will become more active to play key roles in brokering agreements and solving problems. Issues-oriented institutional arrangements will be strengthened in key areas such as climate change, public health and internet security. Non-government organizations and transnational networks will also play bigger roles in the agenda setting of global affairs, and have a larger say in the policymaking of governments.

Third, the world is witnessing a diversification of governance models, development paths and political systems. Despite facing huge challenges, the US-led "liberal global order" will still play a key role. China has made significant achievements with a development path and governance model that suit its own national conditions. The EU, after years of relentlessly pursuing regional integration, has also demonstrated its resilience. Developing countries are also exploring their own development paths instead of blindly copying a certain model. In addition, populism, extreme nationalism and the anti-globalization trend will persist for quite a long period of time.

Fourth, countries and organizations that play an irreplaceable role in key nodes of global relations networks wield a larger influence in the global arena. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has played a unique role in linking different parties together over the past few years: it contributed to the formation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, the world's largest free-trade bloc, and convened the East Asia Summit amid rising global tensions and the raging COVID-19 pandemic. And Indonesia, a member of ASEAN, hosted the G20 Summit, bringing together major countries of the world.

In a multipolar world, there is not just one power center. The interactions among various forces in the world are creating an era of "co-opetion", in which countries maintain necessary, mutually-beneficial cooperation while managing unavoidable but benign competition. The process is complex and full of uncertainties.

In today's global landscape, the US, the EU and China are three leading powers, while Russia, Japan, India and the ASEAN also play significant roles in regional and global affairs. The interactions among these forces are defined by "co-opetion". The Russia-Ukraine conflict exposed the split between Russia and the US and Europe, and countries such as China and India have taken a relatively neutral stance. The strategic competition between China and the US is intense, while China's relations with Russia and the EU are less frayed. On the ideological front, the US, Europe and Japan are closely aligned with each other, while ASEAN has chosen to avoid ideological confrontation.

Competition among players in the global arena in national strength, ideology and influence is growing severer. As power politics revives and geopolitical tensions are rising, the world faces severe security challenges. How to avoid the "Thucydides Trap" and the tragedy of big powers politic is reemerging as a hot topic.

However, cooperation, the other pole in "co-opetion", should not be ignored. Facing a series of daunting challenges, humanity should behave like one community with a shared future. Whether out of moral righteousness or out of utilitarian purposes, humans should seek cooperation. Peace and development continue to be what the peoples over the world want and need, even amid intensifying competitions. The dialectical coexistence of cooperation and competition is the hallmark of this era.

As the world experiences momentous changes, and humanity once again comes to a historical crossroad, it is the rational choice for international society and peoples of all countries to avoid conflicts and wars and embrace cooperation and peace.

The author is a chair professor at Shandong University. The author contributed this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily. The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

Contact the editor at editor@chinawatch.cn